This post is intended to supplement the following material: MATERIAL FOR THE ANDANI DISCUSSION.
Tawrat as the Hebrew Bible and the Injil as a written text
Tawrat occurs eighteen times in the Qur’an, and seems to be derived, perhaps indirectly, from the Hebrew term Torah.7 It describe a scripture given to Moses, which was “sent down” from God (Q5:44). The Qur’anic term Tawrat is often taken to denote the Pentateuch, or the first five books, associated with Moses, though it is later used by Muslims to signify the whole of the Hebrew Bible. Jewish tradition refers to the Written Torah (the Pentateuch) and the Oral Torah (the midrash and Talmud) and Islamic tradition does not necessarily distinguish these. In subsequent chapters, particularly Chapter 3 on Muslim tradition literature, an invocation that “it says in the Tawrat” may refer to either.
… The Qur’an also assumes that a text which it calls the Injil was available to the Christians contemporary to Muhammad, and this text could serve as a reliable source for their judgments (Q5:47, 7:157). Whether, and to what extent, these verses refer to what Christians understand to be the four gospels is an important question, to which Muslim answers have varied.13 (Martin Whittingham, A History of Muslim Views of the Bible: The First Four Centuries [De Gruyter, 2021], Volume 7, pp. 22-23; bold emphasis mine)
Al-Bukhari on Corruption
Sunni Islam’s greated hadith compiler Al-Bukhari denied textual corruption of the Bible, and even cited Ibn Abbas as agreeing with this position:
LV. The words of Allah Almighty, “It is indeed a Glorious Qur’an preserved on a Tablet.” (85:21-22)
“By the Mount and an Inscribed Book” (52:1-2): Qatada said that “mastur” means “written”. “Yasturun” (68:1) means “they inscribe”, and the Umm al-Kitab (43:4) is the whole of the Qur’an and its source. [He said that] “ma talfizu” (50:18) means: “He does not say anything but that it is written against him.” Ibn ‘Abbas said, “Both good and evil are recorded,” and “yuharrufuna” (4:46) means “they remove”. No one removes the works [sic] of one of the Books of Allah Almighty, but they twist them, interpreting them improperly. “Dirasatihim: (6:156) means “their recitation” “Wa’iyya” (69:12) is preserving, “ta’iha” (69:12) means to “preserve it”. “This Qur’an has been revealed to me by inspiration that I may warn you,” meaning the people of Makka, “and all whom it reaches”(6:19) meaning this Qur’an, so he is its warner. (Aisha Bewley, Sahih Collection of al-Bukhari, 100. Book of Tawhid (the belief that Allah is One in His Essence, Attributes and Actions); emphasis mine)
And:
Chapter 69. Book of the Virtues of the Qur’an
I. Chapter. How the Revelation descended and the first of it to be revealed.
Ibn ‘Abbas said that “muhaymin” (5:48) means “TRUSTWORTHY.” The Qur’an is the gurantor of every Book before it. (Bewley, The Sahih Collection of al-Bukhari; emphasis mine)
Martin Whittingham provides his own rendering of al-Bukhari’s comments from Ibn Abbas:
Just as tradition literature contains few references to textual corruption of the Bible, it likewise provides few references to the issue of corrupt Biblical interpretation (tahrif al-ma’na or tahrif ma’nawi). Al-Bukhari adds a note between hadiths in the section of his hadith collection entitled “The Book of Divine Unity” (Kitab al-Tawhid). Here he quotes Ibn ‘Abbas, Muhammad’s cousin and one of the Companions, as commenting on the term “yuhairifuna” (here best translated as “they alter”). Referring to Q4:46, which uses this term, Ibn ‘Abbas is reported as explaining yuharrifuna by saying, “but no one removes an utterance from one of the books of God. But they altered it: they interpreted it according to the wrong interpretation”.63 This concerns Q4:46, which specifically accuses some Jews of taking words out of their context. The statement appears to conflict with Ibn ‘Abbas’ other statement in the hadith quoted above and involving Q2:79, which states that at least some Jews corrupted the text. The two statements could be reconciled if the accusation related to Q2:79 was regarded as only describing a specific group of Jews, rather than as a general statement.
Another hadith making the accusation of corrupt interpretation is recorded by al-Darimi (d. 255/869) in his Sunan, one of the collections not included in the canonical six collections but included in the most prominent nine. “They have corrupted (harrafu) the scripture through their interpretation (tafsir).”64
63 Al-Bukhari, Sahih, vol. 9, Kitab al-Tawhid (The Book of Divine Unity), comment before hadith no. 7553, my translation. The translators of the Darussalam edition leave this comment untranslated.
64 Al-Darimi, Sunan al-Darimi, vol. 1 (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-‘Arabi, 1987), 169. These reports are not numbered, but the report cited here is the last in the section of assorted introductory topics before the commencement of the first “Book,” on “Purity” (Tahara). (A History of Muslim Views of the Bible, pp. 60-61; emphasis mine)
This explains why scholars of the past, including two of Ibn Taymiyya’s premiere students, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah and Ibn Kathir, included al-Bukhari among those who believed that the previous scriptures were not corrupted:
On the other side, another party of hadith and fiqh scholars said: these changes took place during its interpretation and not during the process of its revelation. This is the view of Abi Abdullah Muhammad bin Ishmael Al-Bukhari who said in his hadith collection:
“No one can corrupt the text by removing any of Allah’s words from his Books, but they corrupted it by misinterpreting it.” (Al-Jawziyyah, Ighathat Al Lahfan, Volume 2, p. 351)
And:
Mujahid, Ash-Sha’bi, Al-Hassan, Qatadah and Ar-Rabi’ bin Anas said that,
<who distort the Book with their tongues.>
means, “They alter (Allah’s Words).”
Al-Bukhari reported that Ibn ‘Abbas said that the Ayah means they alter and add although none among Allah’s creation can remove the words of Allah from His books, they alter and distort their apparent meanings. Wahb bin Munabbih said, “The Tawrah and Injil remain as Allah revealed them, and no letter in them was removed. However, the people misguide others by addition and false interpretation, relying on books that they wrote themselves.” Then,
<they say: “This is from Allah,” but it is not from Allah;>
As for Allah’s books, they are still preserved and cannot be changed.” Ibn Abi Hatim recorded this statement… (Tafsir Ibn Kathir – Abridged, Volume 2, Parts 3, 4 & 5, Surat Al-Baqarah, Verse 253, to Surat An-Nisa, verse 147 [Darussalam Publishers & Distributors, Riyadh, Houston, New York, Lahore; First Edition: March 2000], p. 196; emphasis mine)
Al-Bukhari wasn’t alone in listing Ibn Abbas:
“… The Andalusian interpreter Ibn ‘Atiyya stated that Tahrif means “to change or transfer something from its original character to another” and that Ibn ‘Abbas held that the Jewish (and possibly the Christian, by implication) corruption and change was to be found in exegesis, the letter of the Torah surviving intact, although a second school of scholars maintained that the letters themselves had been changed on the basis that although the Jews had been asked to safeguard the Torah, unlike the Qur’an it was not safeguarded by God Himself.” (Dr. Muhammad Abu Laylah, The Qur’an and the Gospels – A Comparative Study [Al-Falah Foundation for Translation, Publication & Distribution, Third edition, 2005], pp. 145-146; emphasis ours)
Ibn Hisham and John’s Gospel
Ibn Hisham was the Muslim editor who purged material from Ibn Ishaq’s biography which he didn’t like, and yet he kept the latter’s reference to John’s Gospel intact. This means that Ibn Hisham affirmed this tradition, otherwise he would have omitted it:
Ibn Ishaq’s Sira originally began with a section, known as the Book of the Beginning (Kitab al-Mubtada’) which drew partially on Biblical tradition, and even more on Jewish and Christian extra-Biblical tradition. This was cut by his subsequent editor, Ibn Hisham. Ibn Ishaq’s omitted text can be partially recovered only from other versions, such as the recension of Ibn Bukayr and the many reports from Ibn Ishaq preserved in the history of al-Tabari. Ibn Hisham comments that “I shall begin this book with Isma’il son of Ibrahim and mention those of his offspring who were the ancestors of God’s apostle … omitting some of the things which Ibn Ishaq has recorded in this book in which there is no mention of the apostle and about which the Quran says nothing.” Ibn Hisham also omits “things which it is disgraceful to discuss; matters which would distress certain people.69 It is not surprising that in this broad-ranging cull, aimed at training the gaze on Muhammad himself, Biblical material has largely fallen by the wayside. Yet Ibn Hisham preserves the famous identification of the Paraclete, referred to in John’s Gospel (John 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7) with Muhammad. This is explicable because although this is a Biblical reference, it is taken by Ibn Ishaq to be a reference to Muhammad, the person at the heart of Ibn Hisham’s concerns. Ibn Ishaq in his Sira preserves a Christian Palestinian Aramaic translation of “parakletos” (Paraclete) as “mnhmn”, a unique rendering compared to later Arabic translations drawn from Greek or Syriac. Of four different recensions of Ibn Ishaq’s work, mostly incomplete, it is only the version used by Ibn Hisham which preserves the reference to the Paraclete.70
An example of the biblical material cut out by Ibn Hisham is a report found in Ibn Bukayr’s version of Ibn ishaq stating that Muhammad’s description is found in the Tawrat: “His name is al-Mutawakkil (“the one who trusts,” [in God]). He is not harsh or rough; nor does he walk proudly in the streets. He is given the keys that by him God may make blind yes see, and deaf ears hear, and set straight crooked tongues so that they bear witness that there is no god but Allah alone with associated. He will help and defend the oppressed.”71 this passage contains various resemblances to Isaiah 42:2-7. The application to Muhammad parallels the application of Isaiah 42 to Jesus (Matt 12:15-21). (Whittingham, A History of Muslim Views of the Bible, pp. 62-63)
The fact that Ibn Hisham removed the supposed prophecy of Muhammad in the Hebrew Bible, but kept the one on John’s Gospel is quite significant.
Ibn Taymiyyah on Q. 5:47
The following quotes are taken from Martin Whittingham, “What is the ‘Gospel’ Mentioned in the Qur’an?”, pp. 4-6, which can be accessed online: https://www.academia.edu/25583711/What_is_the_Gospel_mentioned_in_the_Quran_Research_Briefing_from_the_Centre_for_Muslim_Christian_Studies_Oxford_Spring_2016. All emphasis mine.
The parable in Q 48:29, likening believers to a strong plant, has some parallels to the parable of the sower (see, for example, The Gospel of Matthew 13:1-23). However, there are of course many differences between the Qur’an and the New Testament. Wherever Christians deny certain components of the Muslim view of the Injīl this has prompted charges of alteration of the text (taḥrīf lafẓī), or of alteration of its interpretation (taḥrīf ma‘nawī). An example of the second, that is corrupt interpretation of the text, would be failing to discern references to Muhammad in the Bible, or misunderstanding metaphorical statements about Jesus and the Father as literal. It is worth noting in passing that a number of significant writers give considerable scope to the view of biblical corruption as mainly relating to its wrong interpretation rather than focusing on a corrupt text. These include Ibn Khaldūn (d.809/1406) and Ibn Taymiyya, but in practice this does not lead them to accept the text overall. Where New Testament teachings diverge from the Qur’an or Muslim interpretation of the Qur’an, for example on whether the crucifixion of Jesus occurred, the New Testament is to be rejected.13 To summarise, the content of the Injīl as understood in Qur’anic terms is significantly different from how Christians understand it.
However, there are verses where the Qur’an seems to affirm the Injīl, for example in Q 5:46, where it is described as guidance (hudā’), and light (nūr). So an obvious historical question presents itself. If the Qur’anic Injīl diverges from the New Testament gospels, to what text of the Injīl is the Qur’an referring when it makes positive comments? This question is not only textual, but of course historical…
There is a question over the correct reading of the verse. As Ibn Taymiyya and other exegetes explain, ‘Let the followers of the Gospel judge’ (wa’l-yaḥkum) is a command, using the jussive mood. An alternative reading uses the subjunctive, ‘waliyaḥkuma’ or ‘so that the followers of the Gospel judge’. This expresses the reason why Jesus was given the Injīl, namely so that the People of the Gospel could judge by it. But this difference in readings does not affect the heart of the verse’s meaning, as al-Ṭabarī states.14 The verse has been interpreted in various ways, linked to the question of whether Q 5:47 is exhorting Christians in some sense to follow the Injīl available at the time of the rise of Islam, which would indicate that the Injīl in circulation in the C1st/C7th was a valid criterion for judgment. This raises the question of what form of the Injīl was invoked…
But despite this dismissal by Ibn Ḥazm, Q 5:47 would appear to be appealing to the gospel as it existed in the C1st/C7th as a standard of judgment. If so, were there two versions circulating at the time of Muhammad, one pure and one corrupted? Ibn Taymiyya identifies this as a plausible position. He states that a proper Muslim view of the Tawrāt and Injīl is:
That in the world there are true (ṣaḥīḥ) copies [versions], and these remained until the time of the Prophet, and many copies [versions] which are corrupted… The Qur’an commands them to judge with what Allah revealed in the Tawrat and Injil. [Allah] informs that in both there is wisdom [ḥikmah]. There is nothing in the Qur’an to indicate that they altered all copies [versions].20
Ibn Taymiyya’s solution is thus to assume that the Qur’an gives grounds for believing that there must have been some reliable versions of the Injīl in circulation at the time of Muhammad, as well as some unreliable ones. He does not state whether these reliable versions had disappeared by the time he was writing, though this seems to be the implication. To accept his argument as conclusive, however, it would be necessary to find evidence of uncorrupted and different gospels which had previously been accepted as authentic by Christians. (This excludes apocryphal or non-canonical gospels, which are in general very different from the New Testament gospels, and were never regarded as authoritative by large numbers of Christians). Abdullah Saeed, writing in 2002, notes that by the time of Muhammad’s preaching, the Christian scriptures were documented, and were the same as those used today. He argues that, ‘Since the Qur’an refers to those same scriptures, its references to them should equally apply in the modern era. This is perhaps the main challenge to Ibn Taymiyya’s position’.21
It is interesting that despite his statements in his Tafsīr, Ibn Taymiyya himself puts forward a different, more traditional view in al-Jawāb alṣaḥīḥ. 23 Here he interprets the reference in Q 5:47 to ‘what God sent down’ in the Injīl as a command about following Muhammad: ‘God handed down in the Gospel the command to follow Muhammad, just as He commanded it in the Torah’.24
Can Ibn Taymiyya’s two different statements be reconciled? Perhaps it can be stated that they are not in direct conflict, since a command to follow Muhammad – or at least a prediction of him – can be found, according to some Muslim exegesis, in the extant New Testament gospels. This would be consistent with the view Ibn Taymiyya expresses in his Tafsīr that some sound version of the Injīl was in existence in the C1st/C7th. However, this would still leave Ibn Taymiyya with the problem that those gospels contain plenty of information about Jesus, such as his crucifixion, which no Muslim usually accepts.
13 On Ibn Khaldūn see Martin Whittingham ‘The Value of Taḥrīf Ma‘nawī (Corrupt Interpretation) as a Category for Analysing Muslim Views of the Bible: Evidence from al-Radd aljamīl and Ibn Khaldūn’, Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 22:2 (2011), pp. 209-222. On Ibn Taymiyya and the cruciixion, see Ibn Taymiyya, al-Tafsīr al-Kabīr (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1988), I: 210.
14 Al-Ṭabarī, Jāmi‘ al-bayān i’l-ta’wīl al-Qur’ān (Beirut: Dār al-kutub al-‘ilmiyya, 1999), IV: 605.
20 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Tafsīr al-Kabīr, I: 209; English translation from Abdullah Saeed, ‘The Charge of Distortion of Jewish and Christian Scriptures’ Muslim World 92 (2002), p. 430.
21 Saeed, ’Distortion’, p. 434.
23 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jawāb al-ṣaḥīḥ.
24 Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jawāb al-ṣaḥīḥ, I: 382; English translation in Michel, Response, p. 227.
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